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Nine universities have received letters from the Trump administration asking them to sign a “Compact for Academic Excellence in Higher Education.” These institutions can receive extra funds in exchange for agreeing to freeze tuition for five years, enforce equality in admissions, adopt institutional neutrality on major issues, bring ideological diversity to hiring, limit international students, combat grade inflation, and bring about “transforming or abolishing institutional units that purposefully punish, belittle, and even spark violence against conservative ideas.” Does the administration’s Compact protect or violate the First Amendment? Marc Rowan, chief executive of Apollo Global Management, took to the pages of The New York Times to mount a vigorous defense of the Compact in the face of a university system that is “broken.” We cannot disagree with his characterization. Rowan writes that the Compact dispenses honey to persuade universities to make common sense changes: “These are not politically partisan requirements. It is eminently reasonable for the government to expect all this of schools before providing them with public funds. “Critics have charged that the compact threatens free speech. It does no such thing. It places no constraints on individual speech, nor does it intrude on academic freedom. The compact does require schools not to punish, intimidate or incite violence against conservative ideas. Those are not speech restrictions. They are restrictions on the suppression of speech.” Genevieve Lakier of the University of Chicago Law School takes an opposing view. She writes in Divided Argument that the Compact violates the “unconstitutional conditions doctrine, which holds that the government may not condition access to government benefits on the recipient’s agreement to waive their constitutional rights, including the rights protected by the First Amendment.” Lakier continues: “The First Amendment rights that the Compact asks universities to forego are almost too numerous to mention, but they are many and they are blatant. Consider for example the requirement that universities maintain ‘an intellectually open campus environment, with a broad spectrum of ideological viewpoints present and no single ideology dominant’ … It is a matter of political judgment what constitutes an open and undistorted, as opposed to a closed and distorted, marketplace of ideas – and therefore, the kind of judgment that members of the democratic political community must make for themselves …” Where does Protect The 1st stand? We admit it – we are conflicted. The imposition of speech standards by government funding – even if it broadens the diversity of speech – is an intrusion of government into the speech rights of universities. What constitutes an open versus a distorted marketplace of ideas is an invitation to endless legal and political wrangling. We especially worry that the Compact’s intrusion could one day become a weapon that can be wielded for much more illiberal purposes. At the same time, federal funding has already been used to micromanage higher education for decades now. Would it hurt to use that power for at least some of these purposes? We are beyond frustrated at institutions that are supposed to be safe havens for free inquiry but are instead killing grounds for dissent. Like many things Trump, the execution may be overbroad and overdone, but the challenge itself might have a bracing effect forcing institutions to finally consider long-needed changes. Comments are closed.
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