President Trump’s appointment of Linda McMahon as U.S. Secretary of Education sends a single and unmistakable signal – this incoming administration will prioritize the expansion of school choice, and associated parental rights, across the country. Opponents of McMahon’s appointment have already called her credentials into question, pointing to her tenure as CEO of World Wrestling Entertainment as too undignified for a Cabinet secretary, disqualifying for any role that does not involve pointed elbow drops or figure-four leglocks. McMahon’s defenders cite her business acumen – building WWE into a multibillion-dollar powerhouse – as a demonstration that she is a manager and a leader. What the oppositional hand-wringing actually boils down to is a fundamental policy disagreement between the educational establishment and the prospective new leader of the Department of Education. McMahon is an outspoken proponent of parental school choice, having co-founded the America First Policy Institute, in part, to advocate for “putting parents and students – not bureaucrats, unions, or politicians – in charge of educating our Nation’s next generation.” As Protect The 1st has often pointed out, parents’ ability to choose how to educate their children is a fundamental First Amendment right, because it determines whether and to what extent parents will be able to extend their values (including those based on religion or belief) across generations. Parents should be able to freely choose a school that fits their child’s needs and to select an education that reflects their values. It's an overdue blessing, therefore, that support for school choice is on the upswing. Today, according to EdChoice, there are 75 school choice programs operating across 33 states. A full quarter of the states have embraced some form of universal school choice. And in 2023, support for school choice reached 71 percent among voters, with strong majority backing across all political parties and demographics. Conversely, a 2024 Pew Research study shows that more than one-half of Americans say that traditional, public K-12 education is heading in the wrong direction. With McMahon at the helm of the Department of Education against the backdrop of a GOP-led Congress, chances are better than ever that we’ll see passage of the Educational Choice for Children Act. This measure would provide tax credits for charitable contributions to organizations offering school choice scholarships. In the meantime, we’re increasingly likely to see the nation’s second-largest state, Texas, join the broadening coalition fighting for the future of our children. In 2023, 21 Republicans joined 63 Democrats to vote down education savings accounts, a top priority for Gov. Greg Abbott. In 2025, 14 of those members are not returning to Austin, giving the governor an education choice majority in both chambers of the state legislature. Again, it cannot be emphasized enough that school choice is broadly supported among voters of both parties. November’s GOP sweep likely resulted in some part from the disconnect between Democrats and their constituents over our failing public education system. Democrats, simply put, need to listen to their core constituents, upset about public schools that have failed children for decades. Until Democrats wake up – and PT1st hopes they will – the task of reform is left to elected conservatives. Regardless of party, we need political leaders who understand that the quality education and values we bequeath to our children are among the most important expressions of our core beliefs. McMahon’s nomination is nothing less than a “People’s Elbow” in favor of that proposition. We’ve already heard a lot of rowdy speech from the two vice-presidential candidates, Democratic Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz and Republican U.S. Sen. J.D. Vance. Would they be as generous in applying the First Amendment to others as they do to themselves?
Tim Walz, who, despite correct opinions regarding the tragedy of Warren Zevon being left out of the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame, hasn’t been as on the money when it comes to which types of speech are protected and which are not. In 2022, Walz said on MSNBC: “There's no guarantee to free speech on misinformation or hate speech, and especially around our democracy. Tell the truth, where the voting places are, who can vote, who's able to be there….” As PT1st senior legal advisor Eugene Volokh points out in Reason: “Walz was quite wrong in saying that ‘There's no guarantee to free speech’ as to ‘hate speech.’ The Supreme Court has made clear that there is no ‘hate speech’ exception to the First Amendment (and see here for more details). The First Amendment generally protects the views that the government would label ‘hateful’ as much as it protects other views.” Legal treatment of misinformation is more complicated. In United States v. Alvarez, the Supreme Court held that lies “about philosophy, religion, history, the social sciences, the arts, and the like” are largely constitutionally protected. Libel, generally, is not – though, in a defamation case, a public official can only succeed in their claim if they can show that a false statement was published with “actual malice” – in other words, “with knowledge that it was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not.” Categories of intentional misinformation that are patently not protected include lying to government investigators and fraudulent charitable fundraising. Walz may be on firmer ground when it comes to lies about the mechanics of voting – when, where, and how to vote. Thirteen states already ban such statements. As Volokh writes, “[I]f limited to the context that Walz seemed to have been describing – in the Court's words, ‘messages intended to mislead voters about voting requirements and procedures’ – Walz may well be correct.” On freedom of religion, Walz’s record as governor is concerning. During the pandemic lockdowns, the governor imposed particularly harsh restrictions on religious gatherings, limiting places of worship to a maximum of ten congregants, while allowing retailers to open up at 50 percent capacity. An ensuing lawsuit, which Walz lost, resulted in an agreement granting religious institutions parity with secular businesses. Walz also signed a law prohibiting colleges and universities that require a statement of faith from participating in a state program allowing high school students to earn college credits. As the bill’s sponsor conceded, the legislation was intended in part to coerce religious educational institutions into admitting students regardless of their beliefs – diluting their freedom of association. That controversy is currently being litigated in court. Little wonder the Catholic League declared that “Tim Walz is no friend of religious liberty.” The Knights of Columbus might agree – at least as pertains to the broader ticket. In 2018, during the federal judicial nomination hearing for Brian Buescher, then-Sen. Kamala Harris criticized the organization for its “extremist” (read: traditional) views on social issues. Harris also sponsored the “Do No Harm” Act, which would have required health care workers to perform abortions in violation of their religious beliefs. Regarding Vance, the former Silicon Valley investor is hostile to the speech rights of private tech companies (who certainly enjoy the same First Amendment protections as any other person or group). In March, the senator filed an amicus brief in support of the State of Ohio’s lawsuit against Google, which seeks to regulate the company as a common carrier. In his brief, Vance argues Google’s claim that it creates bespoke, curated search results that directly conflict with its past claims of neutrality. Sen. Vance writes: “[Google’s] functions are essentially the same as any communications network: it connects people by transmitting their words and exchanging their messages. It functions just like an old telephone switchboard, but rather than connect people with cables and electromagnetic circuits, Google uses indices created through data analysis. As such, common carrier regulation is appropriate under Ohio law.” Vance’s argument creeps in the direction of Texas and Florida laws that seek to regulate social media companies’ internal curation policies. Both laws were found wanting by the Supreme Court. The Court in a strongly worded remand on both laws wrote: “[I]t is no job for government to decide what counts as the right balance of private expression – to ‘un-bias’ what it thinks is biased, rather than to leave such judgments to speakers and their audiences.” Yet Vance also attempts to “un-bias” social media platforms, leaving little to no room for independent curatorial judgment. On the plus side, Vance has cosponsored numerous bills aimed at curtailing government censorship, including the “Free Speech Protection Act,” which prohibits government officials from “directing online platforms to censor any speech that is protected by the First Amendment.” He also sponsored the PRESERVE Online Speech Act, which would force social media companies to disclose government communications urging the censoring or deplatforming of users. As the election season progresses, we can hope for more clarity on the candidates’ positions regarding our First Amendment freedoms. It is already clear, however, that both candidates are far from purists when it comes to protecting other people’s speech. Fourth Circuit Forces Parents to Decide Between Religious Values or a Free Public Education6/26/2024
Mahmoud v. McKnight A recent ruling by the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals has struck a severe blow to the cause of parental rights and religious liberty. This contentious case revolved around the Montgomery County Board of Education's controversial decision to deny opt-out requests for certain LGBTQ+ inclusive texts used in K-5 classrooms.
As we’ve reported, parents argued that this policy infringed upon their First Amendment rights to shape their children's education regarding sexuality and gender, contending that it forced them into an untenable position: compromise their deeply held religious beliefs or withdraw their children from public education altogether. The Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed the district court's decision, denying the parents' request for a preliminary injunction. The court concluded that the parents failed to demonstrate a substantial burden on their religious exercise, determining that exposure to the inclusive texts did not amount to a violation of their religious rights. The ruling emphasized that the school's curriculum did not compel students to affirm or renounce any beliefs, but merely exposed them to diverse perspectives. Judge A. Marvin Quattlebaum issued a strong dissent in this case that should be required reading for anyone in need of a better understanding of the foundational importance of religious liberty. Judge Quattlebaum criticizes the majority for not recognizing the burden placed on parents' religious rights. He asserts that “the board's decision to deny religious opt-outs burdened these parents' right to exercise their religion and direct the religious upbringing of their children by putting them to the choice of either compromising their religious beliefs or foregoing a public education for their children.” A key point in Judge Quattlebaum's dissent is his emphasis on the non-neutrality and lack of general applicability of the board's actions. He argues that the board's decision was not neutral because it selectively imposed a burden on religious practices while accommodating other types of opt-outs, such as for Halloween or Valentine's Day celebrations. He asserts that the board's actions were discriminatory against religious beliefs, which is contrary to the First Amendment's protections. The judge writes: “The policy was neither neutral nor generally applicable because it invited the government ‘to decide which reasons for not complying with the policy are worthy of solicitude’ in its sole discretion.” Judge Quattlebaum also highlights that the parents were not attempting to ban the books but merely sought the ability to opt out. He points out that the school’s guidelines previously allowed for reasonable accommodations for religious beliefs, and the sudden reversal without clear justification exacerbates the burden on religious parents. He finds it problematic that the board changed its policy to no longer permit notice and opt-out options, a move he describes as an unexplained “about-face” that failed to consider the substantial impact on religious families. While the board aims to foster an inclusive environment, Judge Quattlebaum argues that this goal should not come at the expense of fundamental religious rights. As he says: “The board’s refusal to grant the parents’ requests for religious opt-outs to instruction with the books the board required be used to promote diversity and inclusivity to the LGBTQ+ community forces the parents to make a choice – either adhere to their faith or receive a free public education for their children. They cannot do both.” Judge Quattlebaum's dissent stands as a powerful defense of the fundamental right of parents to direct their children's education according to their beliefs. “Who can we talk to about the high levels of propaganda and misinformation and disinformation of Amazon?” Andrew Slavitt, a former White House senior adviser for COVID-19 response, wrote in an email on March 2, 2021.
Rep. Jim Jordan, Chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, on Tuesday released this missive along with a mass of subpoenaed material in his investigation of what was clearly government intervention to censor books. Slavitt’s email was the beginning of a White House effort to pressure Amazon into pulling or depressing the visibility of books that conflicted with the scientific orthodoxy on the safety of vaccines and COVID-19 related policies. Amazon initially resisted, but not on free speech grounds. An Amazon executive in an internal email revealed by Jordan declared: “We will not be doing a manual intervention today.” The reason? The “team/PR feels very strongly that it is too visible” and such censorship would rile conservatives, prompting Amazon to get “the Fox News treatment.” You might regard vaccine skepticism as the equivalent of a flat-Earth, antiscientific conspiracy theory. On the other hand, Richard Epstein – legal scholar and erudite public intellectual – argued that lockdowns were doing more harm than good, and that there are valid reasons to question the efficacy and safety of COVID-19 vaccines. Many scientists and writers have piled on Epstein’s theories as riddled with errors, to which Epstein has responded. We have seen time and again in science and policy that today’s outlandish idea could become tomorrow’s orthodoxy. Or not. The question for now is – are we better off suppressing a debate of urgent personal as well as public interest? Or should we let the science and public policy get sorted out in open debate? Such questions once did not need to be asked. In recent years, the value of the First Amendment has gotten lost in the weeds, especially among people with outstanding educations from elite institutions (Andrew Slavitt: University of Pennsylvania and Harvard) which, somehow, are failing to impart the basics most Americans were once taught in high school civics. To be clear, on First Amendment grounds, Amazon has every right to choose and reject books in its portfolio. If a certain author named Humbert Humbert submitted a book entitled, “How to Seduce Fourteen-Year-Old Girls,” Amazon would be well within its rights to decline it (not to mention call the police). But Amazon is a special company with a special responsibility to the spirit, if not the letter, of the First Amendment. Consider: Amazon sells 300 million print books a year. It is responsible for more than one-half of the sales of the Big Five publishers and controls up to 80 percent of the book distribution in the United States. When Amazon disallows or suppresses the sale of a book, it effectively kills it. One would expect Amazon to give maximum room for unpopular or iconoclastic ideas, whatever the PR or political consequences. Most important of all, the First Amendment applies to government action. Pressure from the White House ultimately succeeded in persuading Amazon to issue a “Do Not Promote” order for books skeptical about vaccines. That is government censorship, directly forbidden by the First Amendment. The urge to stop people one believes are clearly wrong, with public policy prescriptions that are dangerous, is a temptation that merely compounds the danger. Conservatives regard progressive ideas as dangerous, and liberals see conservatives as the dangerous ones. Neither side can be trusted with the power to censor the other. Nor can government be trusted to treat ideas as a regulated industry. Credit goes to Chairman Jordan for revealing this official act of censorship. Texas is going big on school library content curation. A new law aims to keep “sexually explicit” books off of school library shelves, which brings to mind the old saw about killing a fly with an elephant gun.
HB 900 – also known as the Restricting Explicit and Adult-Designated Educational Resources (READER) Act – requires vendors who sell books to public schools to rate those books based on their degree of sexual content. Any book judged “patently offensive” will be deemed “sexually explicit” and removed from shelves entirely, while books deemed “sexually relevant” – publications with general depictions of sex that are nonetheless related to the curriculum – will require parental consent. Dystopian concerns aside about outlawing a number of classics, the biggest issue with this law is its implementation. The only guidelines for judging whether a book is “patently offensive” involve a highly subjective “contextual analysis” to be performed by the vendors. The term “vendor” means “any entity that sells library material to a public primary or secondary school in this state.” In practice, that’s everyone from Amazon to the smallest independent bookstore, often with two people on staff – and one of them might be a cat. Essentially, this law places the responsibility for protecting Texas’ children on private companies and small outfits. Even the largest independent bookseller – BookPeople in Austin – has about 100 busy employees and little bandwidth to screen the potentially thousands of books it might sell to schools any given year. What’s more, the law applies retroactively, meaning vendors will have to issue recalls on “sexually explicit” materials that may still be in circulation. If vendors fail to comply with the new law’s requirements, they’ll be barred from selling to public schools. If they are able to comply, costs will go likely go up – both for the schools and, by extension, for the taxpayers. As BookPeople CEO Charley Rejsek put it: “We’re losing all school business forever. That’s how it’s going to hurt us.” Protect The 1st has reported about increasing efforts to censor school reading materials. Texas is at the forefront of this controversy. According to a study from the American Library Association, the Lone Star State saw the most attempts to ban books in 2022. As we’ve also written, what is most needed in the context of book curation for school-aged minors is common sense. As a nation, we should seek to strike a balance between protecting the innocence of young people and throwing out material of great literary value just because it may include a few arguably inappropriate (for some) passages. Parents and teachers should be at the helm in these decisions – not private companies. What HB 900 purports to do is legislate common sense. Logistically, that’s hard achieve. As one bookseller analogized, this situation would be like a movie studio releasing a film and then requiring individual theaters to rate it. Who’s to say how interpretations might differ from Regal to AMC to Alamo Drafthouse? Again, curation is absolutely necessary for children’s books, but it should be the responsibility of schools to know what they are buying. And it should be the responsibility of the legislature to pass laws that are not untenably vague. Asked whether Larry McMurtry’s Pulitzer Prize-wining Lonesome Dove – the great Texas novel – would be removed under the new standards, READER Act sponsor Rep. Jared Patterson said: “I don’t care if it’s ‘Lonesome Dove’ or any other novel — if it has sexually explicit material, I would view that as an incredible win for the students of the state to not have that material in the library.” Such a decision would be up to an individual bookseller. In this litigious age, with the threat of losing access to a lucrative market, the likelihood is that whenever there is any judgment call, the bookseller will have to always go “thumbs down.” These will always be business decisions, not literary and cultural judgements. Unsurprisingly, the READER Act is currently embroiled in litigation. Judge Alan D. Albright enjoined the law’s implementation on Sept. 18, citing its “unconstitutionally vague requirements.” The Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals subsequently blocked that move, allowing the law to take effect as it considers the case. Oral argument is currently scheduled for Nov. 29. We’ll continue to monitor how this law unfolds. |
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